On Confidently Misunderstanding Bitcoin: A Response To Steve Hanke

Economist Steve Hanke of Johns Hopkins University is well-known in the Bitcoin community for posting innumerable variations of the same tweet — “Bitcoin is too volatile and has a fundamental value of 0.” (I suspect he still hasn’t read my essay on how to think about Bitcoin’s value.)

But in a recent opinion piece, “How Innovative Is Crypto?”, Hanke tried his hand at some new arguments. The essay is subtitled, “The case for crypto as a driver of innovation is thin.” In it, Hanke purports to show that cryptocurrencies aren’t that innovative. Here, I’ll show how he fails.

There are three main problems with his essay. The first is that he considers only two features of cryptocurrencies: they’re digital and they’re private. The second is that he relies on an exceptionally narrow and unstated definition of the word “private” and pretends that then invalidates Bitcoiners’ focus on what true financial privacy entails. The third is that his statistics are outdated; more recent data paints a very different picture.

I’ll tackle the problems in turn.

First, he purports to show that cryptocurrencies aren’t innovative. He attempts to do this by showing that digital, private money already exists. But even if he’s right that it does (which is the focus of the second problem), he ignores all the other interesting features of cryptocurrencies that proponents point to. With respect to Bitcoin, those features are that it’s cryptographically secured, censorship-resistant, inclusive, borderless, unseizable, supply-capped, decentralized and permissionless. Even if Hanke is right about his claims, he has failed to make the case that Bitcoin isn’t innovative in these other ways.

Second, he invokes the word “private” but fails to define exactly what he means and which guarantees his usage implies.. He begins by saying, “readers with bank accounts may be tickled to learn that they have been using private, digital money for a long time.” He goes on to point out that bank accounts are increasingly digital. This is true. A lot of money these days only exists digitally.

The sense of “private” that Bitcoiners care about is that financial information is “not to be shared with or revealed to others.” People with bank accounts have not been using private money in this sense; their bank account information is regularly shared with or revealed to authorities. Another sense of “private” is that an asset is “provided or owned by an individual or an independent, commercial company rather than by the government”. Private in this sense exists as a contrast to “public”; your house is your private property while the park across the street is public property. In this case, people have been using private money; the money in their bank accounts is often created by private banks and is owned by the individual, not the government.

There’s another sense of private money which is: money that isn’t, in general, controlled by a government (thanks to Aaron Segal for pointing this out). Some Bitcoin proponents care about this sense of private money very much. The U.S. government controls the U.S. dollar in the relevant sense, so U.S. dollars in any bank account — or any pocket! or under any floorboards! — are not private.

Hanke uses the word “private” six times in the next two paragraphs! Every single time it means “provided or owned by an individual or an independent, commercial company rather than by the government” (i.e. the public vs. private property distinction), which is decidedly not the kind of privacy cryptocurrency advocates are talking about. Here are the phrases:

1) “…convertibility of private deposit money.”

2) “The Federal Reserve stands ready to convert every private, digital dollar…”

3) “[the Fed] converts private dollars into reserve money…”

4) “…settle private money transactions.”

5) “Using the clearinghouse apparatus provided by the Federal Reserve and various private consortia.”

6) “Private, digital money is nothing new.”

Clearly none of these have either of the two meanings of “private money” that Bitcoin proponents care about (transaction privacy; free of government control). So, Hanke hasn’t shown that private, digital money existed before Bitcoin in the form of U.S. dollars in bank accounts.

Third, Hanke’s statistics are outdated. He says, “ Academic research has found that roughly half of bitcoin transactions involve illegal activity.” The paper he cites says it uses data “from January 3, 2009, to the end of April 2017”. That was four and half years ago! A third of Bitcoin’s existence! Things have changed. Looking more recently, Chainalysis finds that illicit cryptocurrency transactions are just 0.34% of all cryptocurrency transactions, and CipherTrace similarly they’re less than 0.5%.

So Hanke’s assertion that “cryptocurrency’s value proposition rests overwhelmingly on its ability to provide end-runs around the law” is false. More than 99.5% of transactions are legal.

Hanke has been banging the same drum since February 2014 and seems not to be bothered by any new developments in Bitcoin or the fact that Bitcoin has gone from $600 to $55,000 since he first started bashing it.

Which brings us to a lesson we can all learn. People rarely change their minds. It involves a lot of cognitive effort to do so, so we tend to seek out evidence to confirm what we already believe. Also, changing our minds involves admitting — even if only to ourselves — that we were wrong about something. It’s much easier mentally and emotionally to continue to believe what we’ve always believed.

But that doesn’t lead to the truth. Things change and we are presented with new evidence. Sometimes we’re looking for the evidence and sometimes we’re not. But whenever we encounter new evidence, we shouldn’t dismiss it. We should take it seriously and evaluate whether it should cause us to revise our beliefs. And if we care about believing true things in some particular area, perhaps because we’re teaching a lot of people about it or because it matters to our own lives, then we should go out looking for evidence that we’re wrong and evaluate it with the desire of getting to the truth and not with the desire of being right. Only when we do that should we be confident in what we believe.

This is a guest post by Dr. Bradley Ritter. Opinions expressed are entirely their own and do not necessarily reflect those of BTC, Inc. or Bitcoin Magazine.

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Why Does Academia Have A Bias Against Bitcoin?

Academia is no fan of Bitcoin. The vast majority of professors are hugely biased against it. For example, Professor of Economics Nouriel Roubini of New York University doesn’t even try to hide his intense hatred for Bitcoin. Roubini told Bloomberg that “the Flintstones had a better monetary system than bitcoin” and has repeatedly called it a “bubble” since 2015. When asked to give expert testimony to the U.S. Senate, Roubini called Bitcoin “the mother of all scams” and smeared all its supporters as “scammers, swindlers, criminals, charlatans, insider whales and carnival barkers.”

Roubini is far from unique among academics in his disdain for Bitcoin. Prominent academic economists are nearly universal in their dismissal of Bitcoin. Few professors have deeply studied Bitcoin and even fewer really understand it; yet, many professors have ruled Bitcoin out.

I recently had the immense honor and pleasure of presenting to the HxEconomics Community, a group facilitated by Heterodox Academy, an organization of university professors, students and staff “committed to enhancing the quality of research and education by promoting open inquiry, viewpoint diversity, and constructive disagreement in institutions of higher learning.” As a testament to living their values, the economics discussion group graciously invited me, a nonacademic without any special credentials to present, to a panel titled, “Overlooked Orthodoxy, Academia’s Bias Against Bitcoin.” In the fruitful informal discussion that followed, the small group of professors and students agreed my thesis was likely true: There is an inherent bias in academia and the economic body of research/theories it produces in favor of supporting a “fiat” or managed monetary system and against Bitcoin specifically.

Why Bitcoin specifically? Bitcoin is a set of rules without rulers, it’s just a protocol. Bitcoin is unique among cryptocurrencies in that it’s laser-focused on being unstoppable (through decentralization and game theory) and consistent (in supply schedule, economic and consensus rules, uptime, and treatment of participants). Bitcoin knows no favorites; it treats teens from Nigeria the same as powerful members of the Federal Reserve. Bitcoin is by far the least stoppable and most consistent money that can be used online due to its decentralization, network effects, developmental stage, ethos and lack of leadership.

Bitcoiners love this lack of control over Bitcoin because it keeps the system from being fixed in favor of the already rich and powerful. Within fiat, on the other hand, there is a well-observed phenomenon of those with control over the money supply disproportionately allocating new money to those they favor (the elite): It’s known as the Cantillon effect and exacerbates inequality. However, most of academia views the fiat system of centralized control over money to be legitimate, good and necessary. Academics tend to disagree with the view of many Bitcoiners that economist Friedrich von Hayek expressed in his 1974 acceptance speech for the Nobel prize:

“To act on the belief that we possess the knowledge and the power which enable us to shape the processes of society entirely to our liking, knowledge which in fact we do not possess, is likely to make us do much harm.”

Academics often disregard Hayek’s concerns and pin their hopes on monetary authorities to make interventions for the greater good. Academics usually prefer a managed economy, believing the fiat system with its central authorities will lessen recessions and depressions. Managed money gives governments and their advisors and unelected monetary managers the ability to respond to changes in the world with changes to the money supply, interest rate, and so on. In fact, Roubini complains of too little central control in fiat due to the use of cash and desires for yet more power to authorities over people’s money, “If you phase out cash … then the negative interest rate in a severe recession or depression can go to -1, -2, -3, -4, -5(%) whatever you want it to be … that’s the direction we’re going to go.”

Thus, academia fails to grasp the main value proposition of Bitcoin: its lack of central management, lack of control by any party. Bitcoin takes away the ability of central planners to set the rules of a market, allocate money as they see fit in an economy, confiscate wealth from citizens, and prevent the transfer of funds (or financially censor anyone).

Why do academics want so much power in the hands of central planners given their vulnerability to corruption, misunderstandings and power consolidation? Why don’t academics often discuss inherent fiat system risks such as totalitarianism through money control and kleptocratic or unfair actions by those managing money?

Because academics are the planners! Academics benefit hugely from centralized fiat money systems through employment opportunities as decision-makers, advisors or researchers for said system. Decentralized Bitcoin is a unique threat to the centralized control over the fiat monetary system by unelected officials. “Expert” unelected officials exert control over our global monetary system through various mechanisms such as the allocation of enormous newly printed sums of wealth to favored nations, programs and enterprises, as well as altering interest rates. Unelected central planners also choose who may or may not access markets to acquire resources for themselves and their families through organizations like the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), giving or withholding loans and aid, and more.

There is a revolving door between academics and positions of power as central economic planners at institutions like the Federal Reserve, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Economic Forum (WEF) and the World Bank. For example, Roubini has worked for decades in academia but currently also advises the IMF, Bretton Woods Committee and more and has previously held positions at the Federal Reserve, World Bank and advising the U.S. government. Central planning of the financial system means more power for Roubini, his colleagues and the many organizations that pay and empower them. Pictured below are just a few of the staggering number of academics who have attained positions of significant power, prestige and financial reward as unelected managers or advisors of the fiat money system.

A. Janet Yellen spent decades in academia and became Federal Reserve chair and U.S. Secretary of the Treasury. B. Stefanie Kelton is a current professor at Stony Brook University whose work in Modern Monetary Theory heavily influences Democrats like Bernie Sanders. C. Gita Gopinath took leave of public service from Harvard University to be the chief economist of the International Monetary Fund. She also works for the National Bureau of Economic Research and the Federal Reserve. D. The founder and executive chairman of the World Economic Forum, Klaus Schwab had a long and distinctive academic career. E. Jim Yong Kim is the former president of Dartmouth College who went on to be the president of the World Bank.

A. Janet Yellen spent decades in academia and became Federal Reserve chair and U.S. Secretary of the Treasury. B. Stefanie Kelton is a current professor at Stony Brook University whose work in Modern Monetary Theory heavily influences Democrats like Bernie Sanders. C. Gita Gopinath took leave of public service from Harvard University to be the chief economist of the International Monetary Fund. She also works for the National Bureau of Economic Research and the Federal Reserve. D. The founder and executive chairman of the World Economic Forum, Klaus Schwab had a long and distinctive academic career. E. Jim Yong Kim is the former president of Dartmouth College who went on to be the president of the World Bank.



There is an unacknowledged conflict of interest in academia: Since academics are the central planners, they are incentivized to come to research conclusions that advocate heavy central planning. As trusted experts, academic economists are the managers of the global fiat system and thus often blind to the drawbacks and risks associated with trusting our monetary system to fallible central managers at all.

Even professors who are not involved or looking to be involved in managing or advising the fiat monetary system have pressure to support it. Fiat monetary organizations empower their colleagues (and thus universities generally) and frequently provide research funding to economics departments. There is enormous pressure within academia to conform in supporting the fiat system. Professor Ashley Hodgson, who leads regular discussion groups with academic economists across the country through Heterodox Academy, explains:

“In any large organization where the relationships within the organization are social, there is a political element. You have to be sensitive to what offends your colleagues, what offends your superiors. There is a social and professional benefit to staying on everybody’s good side. In academia especially the currency we trade in is prestige rather than money… People take a pay cut relative to what they could get outside of academia in order to climb this ladder of prestige and intellectualism … Academics have to be sensitive to the fact that their credibility could be questioned if they say things that offend people in influential circles … In academia, people’s ideas are what they take pride in: that is their identity. So criticizing their ideas has a higher chance of causing genuine offense in the academic setting. That means if you want to climb up in the hierarchy of academia you need to be careful about criticizing ideas, especially ideas of people who are at the top of their fields, who make decisions…”

Thus, academic economists are hesitant to criticize the fiat system, since their most esteemed colleagues are its central planners. Bitcoin takes away academic economists’ ability to influence the monetary system, greatly reducing their relevance, prestige, power and thus funding.

Moreover, universities benefit from the fiat system’s easy money policies through government grants and tuition money (taking out debt favored in inflationary environments like the fiat system). The economists and papers academia produces are thus biased in support of inflationary fiat systems. It’s no wonder why so many academics vociferously oppose Bitcoin and advocate central planners having control over the global monetary system. Note: I am by no means calling economic professors evil. All humans have a tendency to be biased toward their incentives. If universities only had Bitcoiners not employed in the fiat system as professors, they would also be biased. But that is far from the case, instead they have nearly no Bitcoin supporters among them.

There is an unacknowledged conflict of interest in academia: Since academics are the central planners they are incentivized to come to research conclusions that advocate heavy central planning. Academia today is inherently and highly biased against Bitcoin. It is high time we recognize said bias and take steps to correct it.

This is a guest post by Hannah Wolfman-Jones. Opinions expressed are entirely their own and do not necessarily reflect those of BTC Inc. or Bitcoin Magazine.

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The Fiat Mindset: Why Most Economists Don’t Get Bitcoin

Josef Tětek is a SatoshiLabs and Trezor Brand Ambassador.

It’s a tulip mania, a Ponzi scheme, a bubble about to burst. You’ve heard it all before. And not just from your nocoiner friends: This narrative has been pushed for years by many famous economists with a Nobel on their shelf. Why do renowned economists fail to see the value in bitcoin? It’s not a failure of understanding; it’s a difference of worldview.

The influence of mainstream economics cannot be underestimated. As John Maynard Keynes said, “Practical men, who believe themselves to be quite exempt from any intellectual influences, are usually the slaves of some defunct economist. Madmen in authority, who hear voices in the air, are distilling their frenzy from some academic scribbler of a few years back.” This fits current economic policy perfectly. So, let’s see how the madmen and scribblers view the current economy — and, therefore, society itself.

So What Is Mainstream Economics, Anyway?

Mainstream economics is mostly a mixture of two dominant schools of economic thought.

Keynesianism in its various forms (i.e., post-Keynesianism, new Keynesianism) is heavily focused on the economic aggregates: GDP, unemployment rate, consumer spending, inflation measured through consumer price index (CPI) and such. Market forces are viewed as chronically inadequate due to various alleged market failures. Society is in constant need of public goods supplied by the government. Public spending is a panacea in the eyes of Keynesian economists and should be done even at the cost of heavy budget deficits, if need be. Interestingly, Keynes himself prescribed public deficits only in the downturns; but the U.S. budget has been in a deficit in 46 out of the past 50 years, even in the times of strong economic growth.

Monetarism also focuses on the economic aggregates, but its prescriptions are, well, monetarist in nature: Instead of fiscal measures, the economy should be aided by the central bank’s actions. Inflating the money supply, manipulating short-term interest rates, stepping in as a lender of last resort, buying up mortgages, bonds or even equities — all these measures steer the economy from the inevitable crash, deflation and unemployment, in the eyes of the monetarist.

Today’s economic pundits, advisors and government officials usually hold these two views of the economy combined. Thus, the economic policy should be liberal with the taxpayers’ money and with their purchasing power as well. It’s important to point out that monetarism started to play a role in mainstream economics in the 1970s, after the U.S. dollar was decoupled from gold and the whole world found itself under a pure fiat money standard, without any link to gold whatsoever. In a sense, monetarism came to Keynesianism’s rescue: With ever-rising debt levels, an argument for ever-lower interest rates needed to be found. Chronic deficits drive the need to inflate the debt away through easy money policy. And easy money policy is, in turn, a strong incentive to go into more debt — for the government and the economy as a whole.

While an economic policy based on mainstream economics seemed to work over the past decades, it is doomed in the long run. Snowballing debt, fueled by easy money policy, simply isn’t sustainable and something has to give: Either the debt will be defaulted upon, or the purchasing power of fiat money will evaporate. As Dylan LeClair succinctly puts it: “There is mathematically no way out of the current economic environment.”

The Fiat Mindset

Instead of money created by the click of a mouse, we have money that must be mined — created through resource-intensive computations. … In other words, cryptocurrency enthusiasts are effectively celebrating the use of cutting-edge technology to set the monetary system back 300 years. Why would you want to do that? What problem does it solve? — Paul Krugman

Now, let’s tackle the initial question: Why do mainstream economists hate on bitcoin?

The above quote from the renowned Nobelist helps us answer the question. It’s noteworthy that what a sound money advocate views as the main advantage of bitcoin, the mainstream economist understands as its downside. For Paul Krugman (an epitome of mainstream economics today), bitcoin is a monetary setback, because you can’t create sats at the click of a button.

That’s a fiat mindset: The worldview that the state and its experts should be able to create and inject money at will, because they supposedly know better. We can call this by its true name: monetary socialism. The state defines what money is via legal tender laws and sets the monetary policy (i.e., rate of money creation), the state decides whom the new money will reach first, the state sets the interest rates, the state nudges people away from savings and toward debt. Though the state pays lip service to the market via tools like “open market operations.” there really isn’t much room for true market forces in the era of fiat money.

One of the basic functions of money is (or should be) its role as a store of value. But there isn’t a place for that when establishment economists get to work. Since money can be created from thin air, there really isn’t a point to holding it over long term. Investments, you say? But why, we have credit with ever-lower interest rates for that! What about the safety net? Welfare programs! That’s why you’ll never see a mainstream economist conceding that bitcoin has the store of value quality going for it: It’s like asking a colorblind person to enjoy the rainbow. They just don’t have the capability to see it.

And it makes sense from the viewpoint of mainstream economics: The only way out of the Keynesian debt hole besides outright default is via inflation. The idea that money should act as a store of value is preposterous if you have the mainstream worldview. Money should serve as the medium of exchange. It’s enough if it doesn’t hyperinflate in the short term, but losing most of its value in the long run is desirable.

The Austrian Alternative

All rational action is in the first place individual action. Only the individual thinks. Only the individual reasons. Only the individual acts. — Ludwig von Mises

The key problem with the mainstream approach is its focus on the aggregate and little consideration is given for the individual actions and relative forces that play out in the economy. While it’s true the government or the central bank can stimulate the economy into a growth trajectory, the structure of the economy can end up being unstable as a result. Just consider the 2008 financial crisis: The U.S. economy has been seemingly growing strong for years, but this growth was later found to be pretty toxic and the whole financial system almost collapsed as a result. And the solution was more of the same, per the mainstream prescription: more deficit spending, lower interest rates, and unprecedented monetary policies such as quantitative easing.

The Austrian school of economics focuses precisely on what the mainstream ignores: relative price changes, capital heterogeneity, incentives in the private vs. public sector, the shifts in time preference via monetary policies. If you’re struggling to understand what that means, it can be simplified to one key idea: individual human action. Everything that happens in the economy stems from the fact that individuals act. The individual is motivated by subjective preferences and the incentives that people face. Economic policy can be viewed as an attempt to manipulate the incentive structure: Lower interest rates and people will be incentivized to go into debt and prefer consumption over investment.

Contrary to mainstream economics, the Austrian school isn’t technocratic in nature. The adherents of Austrian economics understand that the economy is fundamentally unmanageable. But the absence of conscious management doesn’t mean chaos ensues. As Hayek explains in one of the greatest economic articles of all time, individual actions are coordinated via the price mechanism. Economy is a complex system in constant flux and the relevant data points about supply, demand, resource scarcity and individual preferences (and never-ending changes of these factors) are dispersed among millions of minds. To communicate each data point in its full form is impossible — instead, the smallest viable information is communicated through price. Price is all the information that manufacturers, merchants, investors and consumers need to know to adjust their actions to better reflect reality.

But when money itself is subject to central planning, the price mechanism is polluted by a lot of noise. For the price mechanism to broadcast pure economic signals and the economy to work properly, money should be separated from the state.

It’s important to underscore what money is. Money, in the most fundamental sense, is a societal institution — a set of rules and habits that ease the cooperation among people. As Nick Szabo points out in Shelling Out, the institution of money emerges everywhere we look over the course of history, because it simply makes sense when the society reaches a sufficient division of labor. Money emerged from the need to store the value of one’s labor for later use and exchange the value with others. Both the store of value and means of exchange roles are crucial for money to fulfill its role in society. And it’s no coincidence that bitcoin emerged and took off at the peak of a worldwide financial crisis, when the store of value function in today’s money was sacrificed to keep the system together.

Conclusion

Everybody has a bias. The author of these lines is biased toward non-state solutions of society’s problems, and this bias is only partially based on value-free economic arguments. Political philosophy as well as self-interest is natural for humans and we shouldn’t be afraid to admit that. Fiat mindset is a bias held by those facing lifelong incentives to uphold the status quo.

The idea of stripping human discretion from monetary policy is completely opposite to the way money operates today. That’s a major problem for mainstream economics, which focuses on money as a short-term enabler, one which can’t be saved, only spent, inevitably in favor of those who print it.

That’s why mainstream economists will fight bitcoin until the bitter end of hyperbitcoinization. Bitcoin as an emergent money phenomenon is a slap in their face. It has the potential to completely shatter the illusion of technocratic management. When the state loses the ability to manage money, the formula that has worked in the past decades falls apart: no monetary inflation, no Cantillon effect, no chronic public deficits, no bailouts. The house of cards falls down. But don’t blame bitcoin for that; the fiat system would crumble even if bitcoin never emerged, because central planning always fails. Bitcoin can act as a lifeboat before the fiat collapse and as an instrument of recovery afterward.

This is a guest post by Josef Tětek. Opinions expressed are entirely their own and do not necessarily reflect those of BTC, Inc. or Bitcoin Magazine.

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For years I’ve argued with Wall Street economists, academics, and financial professionals that a monetary system based on gold is superior to one based on fiat. But never have I heard more preposterous arguments against gold than the ones I’m hearing now from Bitcoin advocates.

For years I’ve argued with Wall Street economists, academics, and financial professionals that a monetary system based on gold is superior to one based on fiat. But never have I heard more preposterous arguments against #gold than the ones I’m hearing now from #Bitcoin advocates.

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Good morning on New Year’s Day from Germany for which economists expect econ growth of 4% this year. It would be strongest growth since 2010. Exports are expected to rise 10% in 2021. Rebound in private consumption should begin in summer half of 2021, yielding growth rate of 4.7%

Good morning on New Year’s Day from Germany for which economists expect econ growth of 4% this year. It would be strongest growth since 2010. Exports are expected to rise 10% in 2021. Rebound in private consumption should begin in summer half of 2021, yielding growth rate of 4.7% https://t.co/OSRNzsqYmY

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